Posted by
CRB on Monday, August 22, 2011 7:40:07 AM
The case has been made by many that
evangelical Christianity and American (including British) conservative
political theory are compatible. That is, they are functionally
compatible and are capable of working together as partners. This is
opposed to any sort of ontological compatibility. In that case one
could say that to be "Christian" is to be "conservative" and that is not
at all the case.
The compatibility
also has its negative characteristic. Christianity is clearly at odds
with liberal theology. Christian theology does not see humanity as
basically good, but fallen and in need of redemption. Much has been
written about that and we will not pursue the issue at this time.
The
question that I raise now is the degree of compatibility between
evangelical theology and conservative principles. Conservatism today
differs little from conservatism in its early days though it has taken
on some new characteristics.
One of the founders of 20th c. conservatism, Russell Kirk (The Conservative Mind: From Burke to Eliot
) provides some insights for us as to the reasons for the changes we see today.
Kirk notes that James Burke, whom he sees
as the proper founder of modern conservatism, the core of conservatism
is the practice of "prejudice and prescription." (p. 1) In this case
prejudice is not racial as we would use the term to day. Rather it is that simple willingness to draw distinctions
between bad, good, better and best. This says something about the
fallenness of humanity -- progress is not possible. Though we can do
better, and often do, it is not from an innate goodness as the liberal
might say, or out of program as the progressive might say. Rather it is
the result of proper choices made by way of our prejudices.
But these prejudices do not stand alone.
Prejudice without prescription is a commonplace issue. The
prescription of the conservative, in Burke's case, was natural law. Burke rejected the alternative of natural right for its arbitrariness.
For these
several reasons, Burke rejects with contempt the arbitrary and abstract
"natural right" of the metaphysicians, whether of Locke's school or
Roussseau's. Yet natural principle society must have, if men are to be
saved from their passions. What other basis exists for realizing the
natural moral order in society? "Reason," Voltaire might have answered;
"Utility," Bentham was to say; "material satisfaction of the masses,"
the Marxists would reply six decades later. Burke looked upon reason as a
feeble prop, quite insufficient for most men; utility was for him a
test only of means, not of ends; and material satisfaction an aspiration
grossly low. Another foundation for social principle is Burke's. "Obey
the divine design" -- so one may paraphrase his concept of obedience to a
natural order. By a proper regard for prescription and prejudice, we
discover the means of dutiful obedience. The collective wisdom of the
species, the filtered experience of mankind, can save us from the
anarchy of "the rights of man" and the presumption of "reason." (p. 57)
Here Burke, and Kirk, separate conservatism from several varieties of liberalism.
Though one might be tempted to accept an Hegelian model as equally
"conservative" on account of its heavy use of prescription, his model is
also rejected on account of its lack of foundation. Like the natural
rights system it is arbitrary and focused on power and determinism (p.
40, "an arbitrary, unreasoning urge").
It is the prescription which we do well
to note, and for Burke that was Natural Law. As we read in the quote
from Kirk above, it is a matter of "divine design" for dealing with the
human condition. Kirk follows Burke maintains the eschatology of humanity with Christianity and not with the liberal.
This opens the door for new ethical
arguments,new prescriptions, to enter the conservative world. Since the
time of Burke (and Kirk) we have come up against a more refined
eugenics argument. It is no longer a matter of reducing the minority
population, as taught by Sanger and practiced by Planned Parenthood. We
now add to conservatism the prescription of a Christian ethic regarding
the whole schema of reproductive technologies. Some accomplish this
through natural law theory and others through a "reformed" approach to
the question. There are likely other methods. In either case, though,
the conservative model has become a suitable mechanism for carrying
Christian ethics and influence into the public arena.
The framework of conservatism thus has
the capacity to serve Christianity. Conservatism is malleable, and that
is a good thing. But this is also where some caution is required. A
philosophical system may serve the advancement of the Gospel, but in
itself is not the advancement of the Gospel.
Natural remains, at least as a remnant, in conservative theory.
In the late 20th c. Wm. F. Buckley, Jr., brought a strong Roman
Catholic influence to the conservative movement. And with Roman
theology comes natural law. Still, the "party elite" that would serve
the conservative movement, today the Republicans, have become mere
pragmatists. There is no conservative party though there is certainly a
liberal party; in fact there are several which differ mostly by
degree. But given the elections of the past 30 years, beginning with
Ronald Reagan in 1980 and going through today's "tea party" movement.
Given the control of the liberal party it is a wonder that conservatism
has made any real difference, let alone won any significant elections. But with its theological foundation it will continue to win.
Cross-posted at Evangelical Perspective.