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Finally, He Gets It

Fred Clarkson finally gets it. He points out a very serious error of Michael Weinstein in describing much of evangelicalism and stated a proper conclusion:
As much as Weinstein is right about the principles he is upholding, and I am glad he is doing it, he is absurdly wrong in his description of the people who violate them.
fundamentalist Christianity--it's actually got a longer technical name, called pre-millennial dispensational re-constructionist Dominionist fundamentalist evangelical Christianity
There is, of course, no such thing. There are many groupings and belief sets under the wide category of evangelical Christianity; some of them disagree with one another quite strongly. Weinstein lumps them all together as though everyone believes in exactly the same things. This is a not uncommon error among people who come to be rightly concerned about the religious right. (That, along with unnecessarily inflammatory language.) Such errors undermine the credibility of all of our efforts, and often backfire as well.
Now I only hope that his future posts, and those of his counterparts, reflect the same accurate thinking. I will likely still disagree with him on many issues, but at least we now have a common definition that actually reflects reality. A good place to start might be with Rob Boston's insistance that disagreement with the homosexual agenda amounts to "hate". That is quite inflamatory and certainly an over-generalization. He might also look into the possibility of criticizing someone other than Christians on matters of faith in the public square.
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The Continuation of Intolerance

Some call it a canard when it is claimed that the Tolerance community actually practices intolerance toward those they disagree with. But examples abound. Take Chris Rodda's recent post on TalkToAction, for instance. He is all bent out of shape that the Boy Scouts might actually receive some money from the federal government.

First, the Boy Scouts of America not a religious organization. It is a private group that has a rather eclectic but mandatory religious requirement. It might even be seen as a bit unitarian as there is a great deal of tolerance for a variety of religious viewpoints within the organization. It is certainly more tolerant of religious viewpoints than many other organizations which receive federal monies. Like Planned Parenthood at roughly $100M annually, with little or no oversight. The Scouts are looking at a single-instance deal.

It's not like there is no discrimination against the Boy Scouts. There are multiple cities and situations where they either have no access to public facilities (which is clearly intolerance and discrimination) or have been removed from charitable roles (as with some local United Way chapters), and they have had to spend time and money in court to fight for the simple liberty promised in the First Amendment (in particular, freedom of association and peacable assembly).

In all of Rodda's writing I'm still waiting for a call against all the examples of liberal religious views being federally funded. Like we can really expect that.

It will be a great day (at least in terms of their being consistent) when those who promote relativism's Tolerance actually begin to practice it without discriminator qualification. I might then be posting (or at least commenting) on TalkToAction. ;-) But I also won't hold my breath.
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The Past Ain't What It Used To Be

It used to be that self government was good.  But no longer.
It used to be that love of country was good.  But no longer.
 
I'm not too worried about what televangelists say about God judging the US.  When he does, will we know it?  Do we have so little of a moral conscience that we allow ourselves to throw away all of God's creation and and still think we are blessed?
 
If we stopped all abortions and homosexual unions, would that bring God's blessings?  I don't think so.  And I don't necessarily think it would curb His justice, either.  He does not want outward change but inward change.  What we are seeing today is taking place first in the heart.  If we curb the expression but the heart stays the same, then God's judgement is still forthcoming.
 
God cleanses by both forgiveness and judgement.  I prefer forgiveness.  Neglecting His Grace is a costly error.
 
Perhaps "God Bless America" is presumptuous.
"God, forgive America" seems more in line with these past five decades.
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Theology, Politics, and Where They Meet

Some Background to the Issue
The place of Christian theology to the world of politics is one of today’s most frequently debated topics. Questions are raised across the whole spectrum from church submission to government on to government control of the church. It seems that the subject is not without the myriad of opinions that any other controversy would create, and seems to have as many options as there are participants.

Christian theology is generally driven by its future hope. That is, the motivating factor for a Christian’s involvement is eschatological – the Christian’s perspective on the future that the Lord has planned drives the direction that we set and thus how we behave today. But this is not a monolithic position. There are three main perspectives on Christian eschatology and each has its own implications as to the church’s relationship with the political world. And it all revolves around the understanding of what the Millennium is.

The term “amillennial” means that there is no clearly-demarked millennial period when the Lord will rule the earth. The “a” prefix is a negative and indicates “no” millennium. But it’s not really “no” millennium but “no literal” millennium but a “figurative” millennium. That is, the millennium is not a period of time but a condition of time, placing the emphasis on the kingdom rather than on the calendar.

There is a parallel to this known as “post-millennial” theology. The millennium is seen as a past time that is specific but when it is (or was) is unknown until it comes to completion. In one sense there is no known millennium, nothing that can be pre-determined.

Both of these tie the kingdom and implementing the character of the kingdom to the millennium. They see the mission of the church to establish the kingdom and one way they see the kingdom as a household. The household is for the benefit of all even though not all members of the household are family.

Finally, there are the “millennial” theologies that look forward to a future and specific thousand-year reign of Christ. Because they see this kingdom as a future happening they also see the mission of the church as something other than a household. The perspective is to see the evangelistic mission of the church as the first priority. Saving souls takes priority.

There are two primary variations on this theme. The historic premillennialist and the dispensationalist differ with their understanding of the nature of the church and the identity of Israel. For the historic premillennialist the church is the people of faith through all the ages, but for the dispensationalist the church began at Pentecost, even though there have been a people of faith through all the ages.

All of these anticipate the return of Christ. It’s not that He would necessarily return Very Soon Now, but that he might return at any time. For the amillennial and post-millennial theologies, His return is determined more by the suitability of the kingdom as established on earth, being ready for His return. For the premilllennial perspective the kingdom is not of our doing, and His kingdom will be established at the time of His choosing in the future.

While Roman Catholicism has always been post-millennial, during the 19th c. a great deal of Protestantism, both evangelical and liberal, was equally post-millennial. That was the Modern century where Reason attempted to build a better world through social change. Even theologically liberal eschatology looked forward to a better world but through the new liberalism and the new society of Marx’ ideals rather than through the Kingdom of God. These were the “do-gooders” of the era who were parodied in Pollyanna.

Implications and Options

The impact of any theology upon politics can be either direct or indirect. Direct impact can be accomplished when that theology makes direct statements to the subject of politics or when the theology calls for a specific relationship with the area of politics. Indirect impact can take place when the efforts and energies encouraged by a theology have an impact that crosses into the realm of politics.

The outworkings of this relationship can take any of several forms depending on, among other things, the power, receptability, and intentions of each party. As a result, the relationship has taken multiple forms over the centuries and may certainly take additional form in future generations.



Fig. 1: Church and state united

Familiar to many is the complete mix of church and state as seen in England. This is the closest thing to a “theocracy: because the church is completely mixed and in a dominant position.





Fig. 2: Church controlling state

Throughout Europe there was a time when church was seen as dominating state. This was the ecclesiastical organization: Rome, Geneva, the Lutherans. It was not simply the belief system but the power of the church leadership to manipulate events. Rome frequently did this through the withholding of sacramental grace to national leaders. The threat of a loss of salvation, or worse, excommunication, gave great influence over national events.

It’s not so much that the church took the place of the state but that the church held sway over the power of the state. It’s not a theocracy but it is political control




Fig. 3: State controlling church

Then there is the modern view that we know in the US and other nations having a socialist bent. Though the degree may differ, in Europe the church is very much under the hand of government authority. In communist countries the church is either outlawed or under serious scrutiny as it is in China and Cuba. In the US we have a great deal more freedom but there is still some restriction on religious speech as it might affect the realm of politics.

One protestant reaction to this situation created the “free” church. One example is the Evangelical Free Church with a heritage in the Norwegian and Swedish free church movement.




Figure 4: Complete separation

This is the ideal that is stated by a good number of secularists and many in the church. The idea is that neither one will control the other. They may speak to issues that affect the other party but there is no actual, ecclesiastical control by the church and no legislative regulation by the state.




Fig. 5: Jockeying for Position

Reality often gets in the way of providing clean definitions. In the US the church and state are in a constant struggle. Though there are dominionist factions that want to control the state, the more common struggle of the church is to break free from the regulatory control of government.
 

 

Fig. 6: Dialogue

The ideal that I have in mind would be mutual interaction, a touching of influence, a meeting of the minds. Christianity has much to offer the secular world in terms of ethics and related moral issues that are imperatives in today’s society. At the same time we can listen to the voice of government and maintain a civil dialogue.




But reality again gets in the way and on multiple fronts.  Many secularists want to eliminate religion altogether.  Socialists work to place the church under the state thumb.  Dominionists work to control government.  Reconstructionists seek to rebuild some sort of Christian nation.  I suspect that the arguments will go on for generations.

Considerations
So what is the First Amendment about? My understanding is that the goal was to prevent (hence the restriction on Congress) #1, #2, and #3. It certainly is not to create any of #1, #2, or #3. We (most of us, anyway) do not want a church-run state, a state-managed or state-regulated church, or a mix of church and state. Unfortunately it seems that a mild form of #3 is what has been created through the efforts of various organizations.

The end result of eschatology, the nature of the kingdom and the church, affects which of these a church will support. The dominionists are, by their nature, post-millennial and that leads to the direction of church control. The amillennial approach also ends in the direction of church control. But even these can vary from #1 (church-state mix) or #2 (church controlling state).

But though they may tend toward this direction, many protestant amillennialists do not teach this church-state mix but the alternative of social influence. The result is what we know as the “culture war”. In this case the church is not trying to become dominant over government but over social institutions. (The First Amendment does not address this.)

Finally, there is the premillennial and dispensational crowd. By and large, except for the recent flirtation with the culture wars, the premillennial community is first concerned about evangelism. Even with their participation in the culture wars, many like James Dobson still speak of the primacy of the Gospel in their work. It may not be wholly consistent, but it is the reality.

The theological inconsistency of many, as with Dr. Dobson, stems from something really simple: Most people are not theologians. Few people take the time to study history, theology, and philosophy to discover their roots and a consistent direction for their behavior within their stated belief system. It’s part of the condition of the church.

Likewise many secularists and socialists commit the same error. Naively supporting some forms of control they do not realize the potential consequences of their efforts and the damage that can be done to Liberty. This is so because one’s philosophical underpinnings have the same net effect as theology.  Our world views drive us to our behaviors, but we do not always take thought to be as serious as action.
 
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A Recipe to Sell Books and Influence Elections

Ingredient #1:
There is a group in Washington, D.C., known as the "Fellowship Foundation".  The theology is not orthodox evangelical theology.  The leader is Douglas Coe.   It is a very public group.  As I understand it, it is so public that if you purchase a ticket to the National Prayer Breakfast then you automatically become a member.  Apparently Hillary Clinton is a member and even a participant.
 
Ingredient #2:
The radical Left does not want the Clinton machine back in office.  (Neither does the Right, but that would be another post.)  The Left is today a de facto single-issue machine:  Get the US out of Iraq.  And Hillary is their current enemy.
 
Ingredient #3:
Jeff Sharlet wants to sell books.  He may only make $0.25 per book, but if he can get a million of them out to stores and direct purchasers, there might be some decent income.  (Why write a book if nobody buys it?)
 
Now mix.  Put in the oven.  Add a little heat.
 
Jeff Sharlet has come out with a book:  The Family: The Secret Fundamentalism at the Heart of American Power.  The premise is that the Fellowship Foundation is (a) secretive, (b) the real fundamentalist power behind the Religious Right, and (c) is manipulating the processes of government.  This is no conjecture.  In his interviews with the ever-vigilant and always gullible Fred Clarkson, he said the following:

... American fundamentalism really has to be understood as two movements - the Popular Front of televangelists and mass rallies and voter drives, and the elites of groups like The Family.

... they've done an end run around the Democratic process.

Sharlet clearly has little or no clear understanding of historic evangelicalism, or if he does, he decided to set this knowledge aside in order to complete this convoluted attack on Hillary Clinton.

I don't think it is a far stretch to say that the efforts to attack Clinton might go to this extent.  After all, anyone can publish a book and some publishers will print anything for a buck.  But in context, Clarkson seems always to be looking for a way to attack or otherwise humiliate anyone who looks like an orthodox Christian, or, in this case, who would dare associate with them.

This casserole is expected to be finished sometime in late Summer or early Fall.

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Bypassing False Separation

By Jefferson's standard, per his letter to the Danbury (CT) Baptists, separation meant that the government would not establish a state church.

By the standard of the First Amendment, the government is prohibited from interference in or active participation in religious life:

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances. (italics mine)

Now that we have the simple stuff out of the way, let's talk Biblical standards. The particular question that I want to address is this:

Is it right for the church to confront the government?
Is it right for the church to confront candidates?
Is it right for the church to speak to election matters?

To the first question, yes. John the Baptist confronted Herod and paid with his life. Values in government, even in law, has a place. The promotion of these values can be see in I Tim 2:1-8, where we encourage a justice to allow for peaceful existence (giving the Gospel more opportunity).

To the second, yes. Matters of sin deserve confrontation. Matters of destructive policy deserve equal confrontation. But let's not be too selective. There is as much sin and bad policy in one party as another, from any one candidate as from the other. We must be clear and theological in our approach, not partisan.

That said, I'll be specific. Clinton is willing to use the FBI as a private police force. Those 900 FBI files is suiable evidence. Obama is too close to Hamas and some other questionable relationships. McCain's willingness to limit speech (McCain-Feingold) is an idea that should be corrrected so that it does not go further.

To the third, yes. But we must be ready to pay a price. Some laws are unjust, and the 501(c)(3) rules that were put in place (to limit what LBJ saw in the 1950s as interference to his agenda) are as direct a violation of the First Amendment as is McCain-Feingold. Unjust laws require a response. But our response should not be mere disobedience, but tempered with a call to reform (that is, legislative repentence) for the sake of justice.

There is no separation of church and state when the church is placed under state authority. Do not be intimidated by the Left. (It's pretty transparent -- they want to speak to political issues, and even promote candidates, and get their values into law, but say that somehow "separation" prohibits us but not them. It's so shallow, so hypocritical.) We must respond to that; we should work to maintain liberty (for all) of the heart and mind. Not for the sake of partisanship, but sake of the Gospel.

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Analysis and Response: AN EVANGELICAL MANIFESTO

It's an interesting and valuable document. But, like the initial dialogue proposed by the Muslim theologians last year, I think it is only a first step. There are some things that it is missing and some things that are, as I see evangelicalism, in error.

The definition of evangelical required several steps for the committee to accomplish. The first is a very generic summary remark:
Evangelicals are Christians who define themselves, their faith, and their lives according to the Good News of Jesus of Nazareth.
Nothing too complicated about that.  But at the same time it's no unique definition either.  So the team went further.
To be Evangelical, and to define our faith and our lives by the Good News of Jesus as taught in Scripture, is to submit our lives entirely to the lordship of Jesus and to the truths and the way of life that he requires of his followers, in order that they might become like him, live the way he taught, and believe as he believed.
Again, it's good but not uniquely evangelical.  So the team went further and provided a theological definition in several steps.  They covered the important essentials of Christianity.
1. Jesus Christ is the God-Man.
2. Reconciliation to God is through the pental-substutionary work of Christ.
3. The necessity of regeneration.
4. The Scriptures are the final word for faith and practice.
5. The disciple is by nature engaged with the needs of the world.
6. The personal return of Christ and the consumation of history.
7. Disciples will grow in worship and maturity.
Again, this is all well and good.  (And repeating that is becoming tiring.)  What we have is still a generic statement of Christianity and not a unique definition of Evangelicalism.   There is an implicit separation from Catholicism and government entanglements by separating evangelicalism from Constantinople.  But, sadly, there is no explicit separation from Catholicism; there is explicit separation from political entanglements.

Fourth, as stressed above, Evangelicalism must be defined theologically and
not politically; confessionally and not culturally.


This was the best part of the document.  We must be defined by theology and not by sociology, politics, or even our actions.  The document goes further by reaffirming sola scriptura both implicitly and explicitly but does not specify sola fide or sola gracie.  In that the document is weak.  The outworking of this cleaification leads to some just criticisms of today's evangelicalism:
All too often we have trumpeted the gospel of Jesus, but we have replaced biblical truths with therapeutic techniques, worship with entertainment, discipleship with growth in human potential, church growth with business entrepreneurialism, concern for the church and for the local congregation with expressions of the faith that are churchless and little better than a vapid spirituality, meeting real needs with pandering to felt needs, and mission principles with marketing precepts. In the process we have become known for commercial, diluted, and feel-good gospels of health, wealth, human potential, and religious happy talk, each of which is indistinguishable from the passing fashions of the surrounding world.

We must find a new understanding of our place in public life. We affirm that to be Evangelical and to carry the name of Christ is to seek to be faithful to the freedom, justice, peace, and well-being that are at the heart of the kingdom of God, to bring these gifts into public life as a service to all, and to work with all who share these ideals and care for the common good. Citizens of the City of God, we are resident aliens in the Earthly City. Called by Jesus to be ?in the world but ?not of the world, we are fully engaged in public affairs, but never completely equated with any party, partisan ideology, economic system, class, tribe, or national identity.

Responses:
All in all, it's a good document but it falls short because of what it leaves out.  It is broad enough to include the Anglican evangelicalism of the Wesleys and C. S. Lewis but seems to broad, lacking adequate exclusivity from the neo-orthodox, existentialist, emergent, and other modern phenomena.

I also believe that too much credence is given to the political criticisms of evangelicalism.  While our involvement in politics is (and I agree with them) misguided, the ones who offer this criticism are themselves largely engaged in the political world and their criticism is driven more by a desire to eliminate competition than to place Christiainity in a proper frame.  Liberals may not acknowledge its value, but nothing would please them short of Evangelicalism's demise.  Bruce Prescott sees it as something outside of reality, as though liberals are faultless, despite the history that they've been married to politics for a far greater duration (several decades) than evangelicals.

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